Quotes About Leadership

just when you felt on top of the world in the Trump administration, you could probably count on getting cut down. That was the pattern and price of one-man leadership—insecure-man leadership.

The President didn't seem to realize that in order to make sound decisions there needed to be at least one adult in the room.

charisma in the Christian sense.

the president was likely a fool and certainly a liar.

Like the entire Saudi leadership, MBS had, practically speaking, no education.

Sooner or later, Trump felt contempt for anyone who showed him too much devotion.

president might have been involved usually became

The Tea Party movement, with Trump as its remarkable face and voice, had come to power—something like total power. It owned the Republican Party. Publicly breaking Paul Ryan was the obvious and necessary step.

Nobody now believed that firing Comey was a good idea;

Almost everybody in the White House followed Trump's thinking by tracking whom he had called the night before.)

The unspoken agreement among them: not only would Donald Trump not be president, he should probably not be.

It's worse than you can imagine. An idiot (Trump) surrounded by clowns. Trump won't read anything - not one-page memos, not the brief policy papers; nothing. He gets up halfway through meetings with world leaders because he is bored.

But Ailes was convinced that Trump had no political beliefs or backbone.

senior staff believed the president had a problem with reality, and reality was now overwhelming him.

And that evening, the president traveled to West Virginia to deliver a speech before the Boy Scouts of America. Once more, his speech was totally at odds with time, place, and good sense. It prompted an immediate apology from the Boy Scouts to its members, their parents, and the country at large.

Trump certainly ran his business as though it were a criminal enterprise.

His sons, Don Jr. and Eric—behind their backs known to Trump insiders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein—wondered if there couldn't somehow be two parallel White House structures, one dedicated to their father's big-picture views, personal appearances, and salesmanship and the other concerned with day-to-day management issues.

Anyone studying the position would conclude that a stronger chief of staff is better than a weaker one, and a chief of staff with a history in Washington and the federal government is better than an outsider.

Donald, you can't do it. You've made your bed and Steve is in it.

Bannon and Kushner were therefore more than a little irritated to discover that the unimposing Priebus had an agenda of his own: heeding Senate leader Mitch McConnell's prescription that "this president will sign whatever is put in front of him," while also taking advantage of the White House's lack of political and legislative experience and outsourcing as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill.

By the time Bannon and Priebus were back in Washington, three blue-chip firms had said no. All of them were afraid they would face a rebellion among the younger staff if they represented Trump, afraid Trump would publicly humiliate them if the going got tough, and afraid Trump would stiff them for the bill. In the end, nine top firms turned them down.

The Best and the Brightest. (One of the

The Best and the Brightest

His son-in-law and daughter hoped—they were even confident—that they could speak to DJT's better self, or at least balance Republican needs with progressive rationality, compassion, and good works.